Bowen: Trump's role in the Gaza ceasefire was decisive, but not a roadmap to peace.

 Bowen: Trump's role in the Gaza ceasefire was decisive, but not a roadmap to peace.

Donald Trump's quick trip to Israel and Egypt was the victory lap he sought.

Anyone watching his speeches in Jerusalem and Sharm el-Sheikh could see a man reveling in his power—enjoying the applause in Israel's parliament, and in Egypt, reveling in the presence of so many heads of state and government.

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A senior diplomat in the room said it was as if Trump was viewing the world leaders present as extras on the set of his film.

Trump's message in Sharm was, in essence, that he had marked a historic turning point.

He said, "I've made deals all my life. The biggest deals just happen... right here. And this will probably be the biggest deal of them all." Even observers might get the impression from the speeches that the job is done. It isn't.

Of course, Trump can take credit for the ceasefire and hostage exchange agreement. Qatar, Turkey, and Egypt used their influence over Hamas to force it to accept it.

This made it a joint effort, but Trump's role was decisive.

Had he not demanded Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu agree to terms he had previously rejected, the agreement would not have been signed.

This helps to understand what this agreement is—and what it isn't.

This agreement was for a ceasefire and a prisoner exchange for hostages. It is not a peace agreement, nor is it the beginning of a peace process.

The next phase of Trump's 20-point plan requires an agreement that addresses the shortcomings of the framework that declares the Gaza Strip will be demilitarized, secured, and governed by a committee that includes Palestinians.

This will report to a peace board chaired by President Trump. Considerable work needs to be done on the details necessary to make this possible.

The Gaza agreement is not a blueprint for peace in the Middle East, which remains the ultimate and as yet unattainable goal.

Equally seriously, there is no evidence of the political will necessary for a genuine peace agreement. Most wars end with some form of compromise between exhausted combatants. The war in Gaza has become one of those, if, as Trump has declared, it is truly over.

The other way to end a war is through complete victory, allowing the victors to determine their future course. The best example of this is the unconditional surrender of Nazi Germany in 1945.

Even before September 9, when Netanyahu ordered the missile strike on Qatar, it seemed he was still intent on crushing Israel's enemy so comprehensively that Israel could decide the future of Gaza.

This attack angered Trump.

Qatar is one of America's key allies in the region, and is home to America's largest military base in the Middle East. It is also where his sons do substantial business. Trump rejected Netanyahu's argument that the target that missed was not Qatar, but the Hamas leadership.

For Trump, America's interests come before Israel's. He is unlike Joe Biden, who was willing to harm America's position in the region as a price for supporting Israel.

Trump has returned to Washington, D.C. Diplomats say the Americans realize that resolving this issue is crucial, and it won't happen quickly. The problem is that they may not have enough time.

Ceasefires always break down in their early stages. Those that survive are usually based on tenuous agreements reached by the warring parties, who have determined that their best option is to enforce them.

The danger is that the Gaza ceasefire lacks these foundations. Just 24 hours after Israelis and Palestinians, for entirely different reasons, shared joy and relief at the return of hostages, prisoners, and detainees, cracks are beginning to appear in the ceasefire.

Hamas has so far returned the bodies of only seven of the 28 hostages who died in captivity. This is because their graves are extremely difficult to locate in the rubble that Israel has left in Gaza.

Israel's patience is running out.

If the hostages' remains are not returned, the fate of their bodies will become a major issue in Israel.

As a first response, Israel has said it will halve the flow of aid to Gaza and will not reopen Gaza's border crossing with Egypt – the Rafah Crossing – until Hamas fulfills its obligations.

Israel's ultra-nationalist Finance Minister, Bezalel Smotrich, who opposes the Gaza agreement, posted on social media that "only military pressure brings back hostages."

The Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) still control 53% of the Gaza Strip. On Tuesday, its troops killed Palestinians they believed were advancing toward their forces. The Palestinian Civil Defense in Gaza told the BBC that seven people were killed in two incidents.

The IDF may still be following the rules used before the ceasefire. They order soldiers to monitor two imaginary lines around their checkpoints. If anyone crosses the line, they fire warning shots. If Palestinians approach their checkpoints and cross the second imaginary line, IDF soldiers can fire to kill them.

A major problem with this system is that Palestinians don't know where the lines are. It's like controlling a crowd with direct gunfire.

Hamas is reasserting its strength.

Its armed and masked men have returned to the streets. They have attacked rival armed tribes, some of which enjoy IDF protection. Videos have circulated of Hamas killing blindfolded and kneeling people it accuses of collaborating with the Israelis.

Horrific videos of extrajudicial killings on the streets send a message to Palestinians who want to resist them that they shouldn't dare—and to the outside world that Hamas has escaped Israel's onslaught.

Point 15 of Trump's plan for Gaza states that the US will "develop a temporary International Stabilization Force (ISF) in collaboration with Arab and international partners, to be immediately deployed in Gaza." Mobilizing and deploying that force will be impossible if a ceasefire isn't solidified. Potential allies will not send troops to use force to disarm Hamas.

Hamas has indicated that it may give up some heavy weapons, but will not disarm. Its ideology is one of Islamic resistance to Israel, and it knows that without weapons, its Palestinian enemies will come seeking revenge. Netanyahu has threatened that if no one else does, Israel will finish it off. He has said that Hamas's weapons must go, "either the easy way or the hard way."

Trump has declared that his Gaza agreement, as it stands, will end the generations-long conflict between Arabs and Jews over the land between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. He also insists that it will bring comprehensive peace to the Middle East.

If he truly believes that the task of establishing peace is complete, he is deluding himself. Simply trying requires sustained attention, rigorous diplomatic work, and a decision by both sides in this conflict that the time has come to make painful sacrifices and compromises. To achieve peace, other dreams must be abandoned.

Former US presidents have also believed they could achieve peace in the Middle East. Trump will learn that peace is not achieved simply because a president, no matter how powerful, decides it will be.